Ten families, comprising eight couples (with one single sex couple) and two single parents, were recruited according to the sampling framework outlined in Table 2.[1] While the sample is undeniably small, the size is not unusual for research of this nature. Timing and funds did not allow a larger sample. The emphasis is on depth and richness of replies and reaching a ’saturation point’ in responses. This was achieved with the two single parents and eight couples (16 parents), making a total of 18 parents who were interviewed.
Comparisons with research undertaken in other countries reveal similar methodology and findings to those presented here. For instance, Beglaubter’s study (2017, p. 476) of 33 Canadian heterosexual couples found “[S]trong cultural support for mothers’–but not fathers’–time with baby tipped the scales toward maternal care giving, even when couples wanted to share parental leave”.[2] A study by Cannito (2020, p. 832) of 33 Italian fathers’ use of paid parental leave found “men’s choice to take parental leave is the result of a process of negotiation that involves the way gender is performed, and in which men, too, are active subjects of social change”.[3] On the other hand, men who do not take parental leave talk about a ‘natural’ choice linked to the fact that their partners want to be there with the child. In a study of 22 parents (13 mothers and 9 fathers) in the UK, Kaufman (2018) found the explanation for fathers’ low take up of additional parental leave to be due to financial costs, gendered expectations, perceived workplace resistance and policy restrictions.[4] Similarly, Cluley and Hecht (2020) interviewed 29 couples from Canada and the United States about work–family decision-making[5] and Romero-Balsas, Muntanyola-Saura and Rogero-García (2013, p. 678) interviewed 30 Spanish fathers and found that “paternity leave is mostly considered a right, but not a duty, and the decision whether or not to use it is viewed as an individual choice”.[6]
An external social research firm was sub-contracted to recruit and undertake the interviews, with direct and explicit guidance on recruitment criteria and design of the interview protocol from the report authors Marian Baird and Elizabeth Hill. Baird and Hill closely monitored each stage of the research and attended all interviews.
Recruitment was targeted via the father’s income in the first instance (except for the female same sex couple). Department of Social Services data was used to determine the income categories and to ensure that low, medium and high income households were represented in the sample. The intention was to also include families from metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas, from professional and non-professional occupations and from CALD backgrounds. All participants had a child in the last 18 months (except the female couple whose child was 2 years old), and both parents were working prior to the birth of the child. Four families included parents with a CALD background. One parent was of First Nations background.
Each family completed a short pre-interview survey that covered essential background information, including age, employment type and status (full-time, part-time, casual), hours worked per week, income, housing status, number of children, age of youngest child, types of leave taken at birth of last child and weeks taken (paid parental leave, dad and partner pay, annual leave, unpaid leave, employer provided paid parental leave).
The parents of each family were interviewed online and together, with fathers asked to respond to interview questions and prompts first. Positioning men as the ‘lead’ interviewee was intentional, designed to set the overall tone of the interview and to ensure that the attitudes and experiences of fathers were properly captured. Our previous research shows that mothers are always keen to speak about their parental leave experience. Given the government’s priority to enhance fathers’ role in the care of young children, this project was designed to centre the voices of fathers while also including mothers. This research technique was effective with all fathers being active participants in the interviews.
Each in-depth interview was held via Zoom and ran for 90 minutes according to a set interview protocol designed by Marian Baird and Elizabeth Hill. Interviews were conducted between Tuesday 31 January and Wednesday 15 February 2023. All interviewees received a $180 eGift voucher.
The interview protocol covered:
- A description of how fathers and mothers decided on care and work arrangements in the months after the birth of the new child
- Fathers’ and mothers’ experiences of using the national paid parental leave scheme
- What fathers and mother think an ideal paid parental leave system should look like
- Fathers’ and mothers’ views on the 1 July 2023 changes to paid parental leave
- Fathers’ and mothers’ views on how the additional 6 weeks of paid parental leave in 2026 could be allocated. Three scenario prompts were used to guide this discussion.
Family type Total = 10 families | Father/Partner personal Income |
|---|---|
| 2 x fathers in couples One CALD | Higher income >$100,000 pa gross |
| 3 x fathers in couples Two CALD | Medium income $40,000–$100,000 pa gross |
| 2 x fathers in couples One CALD | Lower income <$40,000 pa gross |
| 1 x single sex couple Female | Any income level |
| 1 x single mother | Mid/high income level >$40,000 pa gross (mother) |
| 1 x single mother | Low income level <$40,000 pa gross (mother) |
Note: we were unable to recruit a male same sex couple so replaced them with an additional medium income father (CALD).
| Anonymised names | Interview details |
|---|---|
| Sarah and Peter | Interview 1: Middle income |
| Samantha | Interview 2: Single mother, low income |
| Isabella and Andy | Interview 3: Middle income, CALD |
| Amelia and Kabir | Interview 4: High income, CALD |
| Lily and Jack | Interview 5: Low income |
| Lucy and George | Interview 6: Middle income |
| Nora | Interview 7: Single mother, middle income |
| Emily and Max | Interview 8: High income |
| Alexia and David | Interview 9: Middle income |
| Amy and Grace | Interview 10: Same sex couple, female |
[1] The authors wish to acknowledge the generosity and care for family demonstrated by the parents interviewed for this project.
[2] Beglaubter, J. (2017). Balancing the scales: Negotiating fathers’ parental leave use. Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie, 54(4), 476–496.
[3] Cannito, M. (2020). The influence of partners on fathers’ decision-making about parental leave in Italy: Rethinking maternal gatekeeping. Current Sociology, 68(6), 832–849.
[4] Kaufman, G. (2018). Barriers to equality: why British fathers do not use parental leave. Community, Work & Family, 21(3), 310–325.
[5] Cluley, H. & Hecht, T. D. (2020). Micro work-family decision-making of dual-income couples with young children: What does a couple like us do in a situation like this? Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology, 93(1), 45–72.
[6] Romero-Balsas, P., Muntanyola-Saura, D. & Rogero-García, J. (2013). Decision-making factors within paternity and parental leaves: Why Spanish fathers take time off from work. Gender, Work & Organization, 20(6), 678–691.